Doamnele de la Feminism-Romania sunt de o inteligenta apasatoare. De plictiseala ele organizeaza serate de discutii.
Speram sa n-o pierdeti pe asta🙂
Joi 28 martie, Cafeneaua critică propune o discuţie despre Cum stăm cu feminismul/studiile de gen, în România anului de graţie 2013.
Noutăţi în materie:
● secţiunea despre Feminism din volumul Ideologii politice actuale. Semnificaţii, evoluţii şi impact, coordonat de Mihaela Miroiu (Editura Polirom, 2012);
● Evoluţii politice ale maternităţii: perspective feministe de Ramona Păunescu și Gen şi cetăţenie în România de Diana Elena Neaga, apărute în Colecţia „Studii de gen” (la aceeaşi editură, 2012, 2013, după patru ani în care colecția n-a mai fost alimentată);
● finalizarea proiectului Femeile spun nu publicităţii ofensatoare!, derulat de Centrul de Dezvoltare Curriculară şi Studii de Gen FILIA, concretizat în volumele Catalogul reclamelor ofensatoare şi Femeile spun nu publicităţii ofensatoare, semnat de Oana Baluţă, Alice Iancu, Andreea Molocea (2013);
● Momentum, expoziţie de artă feministă, cu participarea artistelor/artiştilor Carmen Acsinte, Matei Bejenaru, Simona Dobrescu, Mario Ionescu, Dan Pierşinaru, Renee Renard, Marilena Preda Sânc, Valeriu Şchiau, Patricia Teodorescu (Galeria Aiurart, 14-30 martie 2013; curatoare: Olivia Niţiş; coordonatoare Oana Băluţă şi Olivia Niţiş).
Invitate/invitaţi: toate cele şi toţi cei numiţi mai sus!
Amfitrion: Ion Bogdan Lefter.
Cafeneaua critică este un proiect de dezbateri culturale pe teme de actualitate. Prima serie s-a desfăşurat în anii 1990, la Cafeneaua Facultăţii de Litere a Universităţii Bucureşti. De la reluarea sa în noiembrie 2008, Cafeneaua critică a fost găzduită de cluburile bucureştene The Silver Church, Club A şi Club Control. De la debutul „stagiunii” 2011-2012, Cafeneaua critică a revenit la Club A*.
Joi 28 martie 2013, orele 19.00-21.30
Bucureşti, Str. Blănari Nr. 14 (între Universitate şi Piaţa Unirii, vizavi de Sfîntul Gheorghe)
Contact: 0737-210.978 (Paul Radu)
Feminimul promovat de Feminism-Romania este un feminism de tip socialist
Socialist feminism is a branch of feminism that focuses upon both the public and private spheres of a woman’s life and argues that liberation can only be achieved by working to end both the economic and cultural sources of women’s oppression. Socialist feminism is a two-pronged theory that broadens Marxist feminism’s argument for the role of capitalism in the oppression of women and radical feminism’s theory of the role of gender and the patriarchy. Socialist feminists reject radical feminism’s main claim that patriarchy the only or primary source of oppression of women. Rather, socialist feminists assert that women are unable to be free due to their financial dependence on males in society. Women are subjects to the male rulers in capitalism due to an uneven balance in wealth. They see economic dependence as the driving force of women’s subjugation to men. Further, socialist feminists see women’s liberation as a necessary part of larger quest for social, economic and political justice.
Socialist feminism draws upon many concepts found in Marxism; such as a historical materialist point of view, which means that they relate their ideas to the material and historical conditions of people’s lives.Socialist feminists thus consider how the sexism and gendered division of labor of each historical era is determined by the economic system of the time. Those conditions are largely expressed through capitalist and patriarchal relations.Socialist feminists,thus reject the Marxist notion that class and class struggle are the only defining aspects of history and economic development. Marx asserted that when class oppression was overcome, gender oppression would vanish as well. According to socialist feminists, this view of gender oppression as a sub-class of class oppression is naive and much of the work of socialist feminists has gone towards specifying how gender and class work together to create distinct forms of oppression and privilege for women and men of each class. For example, they observe that women’s class status is generally derivative of her husband’s class or occupational status,.e.g., a secretary that marries her boss assumes his class status.
In 1972, the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union published „Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women’s Movement,” which is believed to be the first to use the term „socialist feminism,” in publication
Socialist Feminism, Motherhood,and the Private Sphere
Socialist feminists highlight how motherhood and the gendered division of labor many assert grows “naturally” from women’s role as mothers is the source of women’s exclusion from the public sphere and creates women’s economic dependence on men.They assert that there is nothing natural about the gendered division of labor and show that the expectation that women perform all or most reproductive labor, i.e., labor associated with birthing and raising children but also the cleaning, cooking, and other tasks necessary to support human life, deny women the capacity to participate fully in economic activity outside the home. In order to free themselves from the conditions of work as a mother and housekeeper, socialist feminists such as Charlotte Perkins Gilman saw the professionalization of housework as key. This would be done by hiring professional nannies and housekeepers to take the load of domestic work away from the woman in the house .Perkins Gilman also recommended the redesign of homes in ways that would maximize their potential for creativity and leisure for women as well as men, i.e., emphasizing the need for rooms like studios and studies and eliminating kitchens and dining rooms. These changes would necessitate the communalization of meal preparation and consumption outside the home and free women from their burden of providing meals on a house-by-house scale.